A war-ravaged country marked with bloodsheds, death and poverty!

The Mission Report

January, 2004

filed by

Somyos Prueksa-Kasemsuk

The Alliance of Democratic Trade Unions (ADTU)

Being a country of centuries-old history as well as a bastion of civilization in the region, Cambodia is internationally known for its world-renowned cultural heritage like the Ankor Wat, one of the “Wonders of the World” and other khmer ruins left in Thailand today. But some visitors have found that the story of Cambodia and her people, the Khmer, are full of bloodsheds, colonization and liberation, invasion and incursion, death and sufferings in all forms imaginable. The war-torn country has, still today, shown many traces of cruelty of violent wars, military coups, revolution, power-struggles, which resulted in millions of Cambodians dead, maimed, unemployed and starving. Millions of war orphans are also known today as the “lost generation”, where they have no parents, no education, and no future, because the successive governments have been too inefficient and too poor to provide them with needy assistance.

Cambodia today, despite being blessed with generous international aid and assistance programs, still confronts with many pressing issues, i.e., poverty, migration of rural villagers to cities hunting for jobs both in Cambodia and neighbouring countries, Thailand included. Even with the current market economy as allowed by the Hun Sen government, it amounts to an open invitation to all forms of exploitation from multi-nationals, local and foreign capitalists and investors. At the moment, the textile and garment industry appears to be the “rising start” industry in the eye of foreign investors and industrialists, who have found Cambodia as the new haven for relocating their production bases to Cambodia, taking full advantages of extremely cheap labour readily available there.

TIE-ASIA, thus, is timely organized and fully committed to the serve and function as the data and information linkage for workers employed in the textile and garment industries in different countries, aiming at strengthening or empowering workers in this particular manufacturing segment. Here is the organization, which has adequately funded this mission to conduct first-hand, preliminary mission to Cambodia, during 26 May – 3 June 2003 and early of January 5-9, 2004. In principle, the mission aims at gathering first-hand, reliable data and information for the purpose of formulating relevant projects and related activities to be carried out by the TIE-ASIA in the near future.

Due credits must be given to the two (2) vital organizations based and operating actively in Cambodia, the Cambodia Labor organization (CLO) a nationally known NGO fully committed to the cause of workers and the Coalition of Combodian Apparel Workers Democratic Union( C-CAWDU ), the federation of textile and garment workers unions, which kindly made necessary arrangements for the mission have access to necessary sources of data and information on the current labour situations, the socio-economic status as well as the political dimension of the concrete situation inside Cambodia.

At dawn on January5, 2004, the Mission boarded the budget-airline from Bangkok bound for Cambodia, the Bangkok Airway, flight PG924 serving only approximately a short one-hour flight. It was quite natural that passengers were not showered with any of the usual treats but a quick, simply and light breakfast consisted of croissant, salad and the indispensable coffee. The Mission did not even have time to digest anything when the short commercial airliner landed at the infamous but legionary Pochentong International Airport in Phnom Pen, the capital city of Cambodia.

The visa upon-arrival was issued with a piece of photo and

US$20.- an equivalence of 800.- Baht for a one-month stay in Cambodia. The mission was quickly checked in at the budget quest house named “Sunday Guest House”, at No .97 ,141 Road, in the heart of Phnom Pen, at the rate of US $ 7.-per night or about 280.-Baht in Thai currency.

Cambodia

A Geo-Political History!

Geographically, Cambodia situates right in the heart of Indochina, sharing Western border with Thailand, being neighbour with Laos to the North, having Vietnam as Eastern neighbour, whilst sharing many cultural heritage and traces with Thailand, i.e., dances, music, costumes, Brahmin rituals, Buddhist traditions, etc. In fact, the arts and culture of Cambodia and Thailand can readily identified as influenced by two major civilizations, Indian and Javanese. The Ankor Wat is the permanent testimony to the great Khmer civilization dating back 900 years and Cambodia being the center of high culture in Southeast Asia.

In mid 19 th century, Cambodia became part of French Indochina in 1864 and was colonized for 89 years, during which its rich natural resources were exploited. The colony subsequently saw war of liberation waged by the proud Khmer and was finally liberated and became once again an independent country on November 9, 1953 under the leadership of King Narodom Sihanouk as head of the state.

Cambodia in 1955 embarked upon the road to democracy with King Narodom Sihanouk decided to step down from his throne and became a full-fledged politician and establish his own political party to run in the first parliamentarian election. His party was named the People’s Socialist Party and King Narodom Sihanouk won a landslide election and became the first Prime Minister of Cambodia.

In 1967, during the height of Vietnam War, the North Vietnamese secretly made arrangement with the Cambodian government, allowing the North Vietnamese to build the “Ho Chi Minh’s Trail” crisscrossing in and out of Cambodia territory to wage war of liberation in the Southern part of Vietnam. This collaboration between the Cambodian government and the North Vietnamese regime promptly created a condition for the US government to sponsor and support General Lon Nol to stage a coup against King Narodom Sihanouk and quickly toppled his democratically election government in 1970, forcing him to live in exile for many years.

War in Indochina brought great sufferings and disasters to Cambodia and the Khmer people for decades, causing economic disaster and social disintegration while civil war raging both in the countryside as well as in cities. During the so-called war of liberation waged by the Khmer Rouge and the aftermath, millions of Khmer died of starvation, diseases, violent struggles between factions, political persecutions, forced migration from cities and towns to labour camps in countryside, etc. Even before the victory was achieved, the Khmer Rouge had actively mobilized and indoctrinated peasants and farmers to pick up arms against the Lon Nol regime. Subsequently in April 17, 1975, the Khmer Rouge under the leadership of Pol Pot and Khieu Samphan took over the country by seizing the capital city of Phnom Pen, setting the stage for the massive force migration of the population to labour camps in countryside. Under the pretext of building up “New Society” and the country under the dictatorship of the “Ungor”, a Maoist party with due support from the People’s Republic of China.

Cambodia under Khmer Rouge was a closed country for 4 years with the records of almost 3 millions death due to starvation, diseases, forced labour, political persecutions, tortures and summary executions of political opponents.

The mission had a chance to pay a visit to the infamous Tuol Sleng prison, now a museum, in the Southern part of Phnom Pen. It museum was originally a school with an area of 600 x 400 meters, before the Khmer Rouge regime decided to transform it into a detention camp for political prisoners, where detainees were subject to hideous forms of tortures, inhumane treatments, interrogations and executions. Most of them died under the most horrible circumstances.

It is estimated that at Tuol Sleng or officially named “S-21” alone, more than hundred thousands of detainees perished inside during the 4-year period under the Khmer Rouge regime. As a museum, S-21 have various exhibits of real torture chambers, interrogation tools, chains and shackles as well as the actual conditions preserved for visitors to view them as they were. In addition, special exhibits of photographs and drawings made by few former detainees were part of the testimony to the truth about the faith of S-21 prisoners and/or detainees.

On January 7, 1979, two former the Khmer Rouge cadres, Heng Samrin and Hun Sen, were supported by the Vietnamese government and troops became leaders of the anti-Khmer Rouge faction. The Heng Sarin-Hun Sen armed troops with obvious support from the Vietnamese troops and necessary logistics and supplies, managed to overthrown the Khmer Rouge regime, forcing the remnants of the Khmer Rouge to retreat to their strongholds along the Thai-Cambodian border. Consequently, the new Heng Samrin government took over the power to rule Cambodia from Phnom Pen with Hun Sen at the age of 27 serving as the foreign minister despite the fact that he could not even speak English. Soon afterward in 1985, when Hun Sen was 33, he became the youngest Prime Minister in the world.

For the record, in 1981, Prince Norodom Sihanouk formed his political part called the United Cambodian People for Peace Party, popularly called the Funcinpec Party with one of his sons Prince Narodom Ronariddhi serving as party leader.

In 1989, Vietname faced a severe economic downturn while being pressured by international community to pull out its troops and withdraw its support to the Vietnamese-back regime in Phnom Pen. During this short span of 8 months, many Cambodians died and eventually Vietnam decided to withdraw all its troops from Cambodia after having influenced Cambodia for more than 12 years.

In 1991, The Paris Peace Accord designed to end the civil war in Cambodia was signed by the three (3) contenting fractions, paving the groundwork for the long-aspired democratic general election scheduled for 1993 under the supervision of the United Nations called the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia – UNTAC. As it turned out, no political party won the majority of the seats in the proposed parliament and the attempt to set up a proper government failed miserably, with many protests again the election results due to riggings and irregularities. To break the impasse, a new coalition government was formed with two (2) prime ministers representing two (2) leading parties.

In 1995, Sam Rainsy, a former member of FUNCINPEC and former Finance Minister, broke away from FUNCIPEC to found his own party, the Khmer Nation Party. But the political situations in Cambodia went through many turbulent periods, and the KNP soon changed to the Sam Rainsy Party, the only vital opposition party in the country.

1997, the two armed fractions of Hun Sen and Prince Narodom Ronariddhi in Pochentong airport, due to Hun Sen accusing Price Ronariddhi of smuggling a huge quantify of weapons into Cambodia and secretly allowing Khmer Rouge troops from border areas to take over Phnom Pen. The supposedly failed coup attempt subsequently forced Prince Narodom Ronariddhi to flee the country leaving Hun Sen to run the country single-handedly as the sole Prime Minister of the country. The accused coup leader, Prince Narodom Ronariddhi, was trailed in absentia in a military court and sentenced to 30 years imprisonment on charges of armed smuggling. However, King Narodom Sihanouk, the Head of State promptly granted his son amnesty.

Another political chapter was noted when Pol Pot, the ailing Khmer Rouge leader died in his strong hole near the Thai-Cambodian border. Soon afterward, more than 3,000 Khmer Rouge decided to lay down their arms and joined the Hen Sen government, ending the role of the combatants under the banner of Khmer Rouge.

Currently, Hun Sen is the all-powerful leader of the government, while King Sihanouk suffering from ill health and chronic case of cancer. His role as the Head of State is now overshadowed by Hun Sen, leading his Cambodian People Party (CPP) to consolidate more and more political support trailing by the other two parties; the FUNCINPEC Party and the Sam Rainsy Party.

For the record, the latest general election held in July 2003, the CPP won 69 seats out of the total of 123 seats in the parliament, followed by the FUNCINPEC Party with 24 seats and Sam Rainsy Party finishing third with 20 seats. These results have prevented any party to form a single party government, because on one party has won more than two-third of the seats in the parliament.

Socio-Economic Reality of Cambodia

The long and protracted war, the power-struggles and fractionalization of political forces had been the root-causes of social disintegration and economic stagnation and often regression. The traditional values and customs were grossly discarded as irrelevant to current situations whilst Cambodia as a country became the poorest country in Southeast Asia. Until 1985, the country began to experience, to certain extent, more stability with the adoption of so-called “Market Economy” instead of state-controlled or centrally planned economy. It was essentially aimed at attracting foreign capital and investment and hopefully laying foundation of a new economic system for Cambodia. Since 1993, It was then deemed necessary to accelerate the rate of economic growth, to generate more trade and investment in certain sectors.

The government of Cambodia has ever since tried to promote investment in almost every segment and sectors. The Hun Sen government has even been promoting casinos, focusing on border towns along Thai border, both at Sra Kaew and Chanthaburi provinces. These casinos have turned out to be popular “Gambling Dens” for gamblers of all shades and huge, ranging from gambling addicts to amateurs from Thailand. These palaces of vices have turned many Thais into penniless. Even in Phnom Pen, there was a huge casino established by Malaysian investors, just opposite from the Grand Palace of Prince Sihanouk and next to a Buddhist temple. Such results of investment promotion have demonstrated clearly that Cambodian government is so desperate to invite foreign capital and investment without due regards to the impact on the morale and cultural values highly upheld by the Khmer people. One can readily sees that this type of foreign investment promotion scheme would lead to rampant prostitution, drugs and gambling. The relate question is would this be a constructive approach to promote tourism for Cambodia as well?

Presently, one of the biggest foreign corporations doing business in Cambodia is the Cam Shin Company, which is one of the subsidiaries of the Shinawatra Corporation from Thailand, having Prime Minister Taksin Shinawatra’s family as major shareholder. No wonder, huge billboards and advertising signs are seen at almost all major intersections in the heart of Phnom Pen, advertising the most popular brand of mobile phones marketed by the Cam Shin Co. The telecom business has boomed in Cambodia with mobile phones selling like hot cakes.

Taking full advantage of the lack of adequate infrastructures in Cambodia, the telecom business has seized the timely opportunity to exploit the people there. With the population of 13 millions, almost 6 million Cambodians or roughly 44% of the total workforce, the unemployment rate of more than 10 % is quite alarming, taking into account of the economic growth of about 5% per annum and 40 % of the population in below poverty line.

In 1999, the Cambodian government entered into a trade agreement with the US called “The Trade Agreement on Textile and Apparel”, which grants Cambodia special export quota. This prompted investors from China, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan and Thailand to set up their production bases and facilities there. These capitalists have been exploiting the conducive conditions, using such quota to export their garment and apparels to the US market with maximum profit.

So far, the garment industry there is expanding with an average growth of 50% each year, having about 400 garment factories operating and employing about 300,000 workers to produce products mainly for export to the US and the West. Clearly, the garment industry is the principle export-oriented industry in Cambodia today, but the future for textile and garment workers is dim indeed.

As fare as the labour movement is concerned, these capitalists are highly exploitative of the situations, taking advantages of the unorganized and cheap labour, millions of reserved armies of unemployed. The key issue is the labour movement in Cambodia is extremely weak, being in the infant stage of labour development.

The current minimum wage in Cambodia is about US$ 45 per month or an equivalence of about 1,800 Baht per month, which is comparatively lower than the cost of living, because it is quite close to the cost of living in Bangkok. A simple calculation suggests that the minimum living wage for a worker in Phnom Pen should be US $ 70 or 80 per month. Worst still, social security system does not exist in Cambodia, despite the fact that most Cambodians are extremely poor, mostly are recently migrated from countryside. It also must be noted that about 20 % of Cambodian woman workers are illiterate, living in make shift shacks, highly congested slums and extremely un hygienic environment.

With regard to the key ILO Conventions, No.87 and 98, the Cambodian government, in fact, has ratified the said two conventions, recognizing in principle the rights of workers to organize and to collective bargaining. But in practice, Cambodian workers have found it extremely difficult to organize and fight for their basic worker rights. The pressing issue is the dismissal of labour leaders or potential trade unionists. They are seen as the direct threat to the employers and foreign investors. Thus, the companies are more than willing to pay an attractive sum of cash to get rid of the so-called “trouble makers”, ending their roles and involvement with union activities. The irony is that most of these leaders or potential leaders are compelled to accept such a lump sum amount of cash, essentially due to state of poverty and the state of hopelessness they are in. These potential trade unionists also had been subject to blatant tactics of suppression employed by the authorities, often with violent means during the strikes they led.

At the moment, there are more than 200 labour unions, mostly active in the textile and garment industry, more than 14 labour federations, and one (1) national labour council being established (in 2003). Currently, there is no consolidated data and accurate information as well as reliable statistics with regard to labour unions, their aims and objectives, activities. Meanwhile, infighting, personality cults, corruption and misconducts are prevalent among labour leaders. On top of this, many of labour organizations are heavily influenced, if not infiltrated, by political parties and/or government. Some openly admitted that they have links with political party(ies). The split of labour movement became worst when labour leaders, clinging to their own groups and/or political leanings, started to make accusations and fabrications against their opponents. This situation has widen the splits within the ranks of the labour movement, ending up with leaders forming their own new unions. This is why Cambodia has numerous labour unions and more are mushrooming, while only fewer and fewer quality or committed leaders became discouraged or disillusioned. Apparently, the movement as a whole is deprived of genuinely committed trade unionists, or lacking qualified leaders to carry on the work of the ones, who decided to leave the ranks or to put it simply, the lack of continuity in terms of leadership development. Under these circumstances, the unions and the movement are clearly lacking independence and its own clear position in dealing labour issue and related problems faced by millions of Cambodian workers.

In fact, the situation there is not much different in essence, comparing to the state of labour development and movement in Thailand.

Basically speaking, labour unions and movement in Cambodia are not duly recognized by the public at large. Failure to keep proper and safe distance from various political parties also has caused the public to see their actions, strikes and protests as public nuisances or disturbances. Calling and staging strikes are carried out without effectively and clearly clarified causes and objectives, so it is extremely difficult to win public support to the cause of labour. Worst still, their actions were often seen as misled or instigated by some political party(ies), with some politicians pulling the strings behind the scene. In some cases, labour leaders are known to have incited or misled the workers to go on strike, so that he or she could demand some thing, in cash of in kind or both, from the management or to extort some thing from employers.

This practice is certainly not unknown to Thailand.

Although, Cambodia has never experienced any serious, violent communal strives due to differences in race, ethic origin, religious faith, etc. like some other countries in the region, but it is a pity that the country is facing disunity and split of the labour movement. The people themselves tend to adopt violent means to solve conflicts and contradictions. With more than 40 political parties formed to field their candidates in supposedly democratic election, elections held at all levels have been plagued with various acts of violence, bombings and assassinations, etc. It is a common knowledge that anything can happen during election campaigns. The post civil-war Cambodia has still been marked with violent acts, bombing and killings.

In addition, the majority of Cambodians, who are poor and uneducated, have very limited access to information. It is no surprise that rumors and hearsays have a great of influence on public opinions. Under these circumstances, public opinions can easily be manipulated while the poorly informed Cambodians be mislead by double-talking politicians.

The case in point was the burning of the Royal Thai Embassy and lootings of Thai-owned business and factory in Phnom Pen in early 2003, when Cambodians mobs instigated by some political quarters, fueled by nationalism. Some political analysts in Cambodia indicated that the government was partly responsible for the seemingly spontaneous riot against Thai interest in Phnom Pen. The initial reaction of protesters was against a young Thai actress, who was accused of making insulting remarks about Ankor Wat at one time belonging to Thailand. The rumor spread like prairie fire and brought tens of thousand people in Phnom Pen to the streets. Their angers and hatred were directed against Thailand and Thai interest and investment in Cambodia. On top of this, most consumer products in local markets were made in Thailand. The anti-Thai sentiment was instantly spreading, but the authority was quite slow to stop the mobs from burning and lootings.

Being victimized by wars for decades, Cambodian society was quickly eroding and disintegrating, when every one is struggling to survive without due regards for morale and righteousness. As a result, corruptions, crimes, gambling and prostitutions, beggars are common in Cambodia today. Meanwhile, the middle class and the elites are grabbing every thing they can lay their hands on. To get things done, one has to know the right people in the right place. People cling to their own cliques, so that they could protect their own interest. The patron-client relationship is generally recognized and accepted as part of Cambodian values.

Meanwhile, the poor Cambodians are becoming poorer and their numbers increasing. They tend to look up to authorities and officials as providers, protectors and overlords. Toppled with the traditional belief that the young have to respect the elders, women to men, etc. Keeping the people ignorant is the key to rule, allowing a lot of opportunity for politicians to accumulate wealth for themselves, their clans and cliques. Nepotism is accepted as a way of life. Thus, the majority of Cambodians are apolitical, not being inspired or motivated to get involved or to engage in any form of political activities. It has created many opportunities for crooked politicians to run the country and make personal gains. This is why every clique is constantly involved in power-struggle for their own gains, not for the well being of the people.

Under the rule of Khmer Rouge, Cambodia faced a rapid disintegration of traditional values and religious belief. Thus, it takes time to reemerge from the darkest period of the country’s history, where art and culture were blatantly destroyed under the directives of the infamous and ruthless “Ungor”. Currently, the government of Cambodia is trying to motivate and inspire new generations of Cambodians to learn and acquire knowledge necessary for the re-building of the nation. Education is the key to catch up with the rest of the world.

Geo-politics has made Cambodians quite conscious of being sandwiched by Thailand and Vietnam, posing as potential threats to the existence of Cambodia and her people. Apparently, some analysts in Phnom Pen see Hun Sen as being closer to Vietnam much more than Thailand. In addition, many Cambodians seem to be anti-Thai in their sentiment, claiming that the Thais tend to look down upon them, or quite chauvinistic towards Cambodians. These attitudes readily serves as futile grounds for instigating anti-Thai public opinions and rumors, ending up with the burning of the Royal Thai Embassy and some Thai interests in Phnom Pen early last year. Even after the riots died down, many Cambodians and the press vented their angers when their Prime Minister Hun Sen agreed to pay compensations to the damage done, for Cambodia being a very poor country, with limited national budget to run the administration.

Under these circumstances, each year hundred of thousands of Cambodians chose to leave their homeland to seek jobs in Thailand, being heavily exploited by their own countrymen and some Thai, who were labour recruiters. Currently, migrant workers in Thailand often find jobs in fish and prawn farms, construction sector, factories, store helpers, housemaids, etc. Most of them are illegal entries and subsequently are forced to work under worst conditions, being treated inhumanely and could be deported anytime. Some of them had been rounded up and deported even before they were properly paid for their work. In some cases, they were deported before they could have saved enough money to pay back the loan they took to pay for the trip and arrangement with recruiters.

Once they have crossed the border, they would be recruited again by the same type of labour recruiters and illegally entered Thailand for the second and the third times. This vicious circle continues, but no effective measures have been introduced and enforced to address the issue.

In terms of child labour, their cases are mostly undocumented and unverified. It is widely believed that many Cambodian children and minors had either been abducted or lured into Thailand and sent to sweatshops or other types of informal employment. However, there had been some reports in local media about Cambodian boys rescued from sweatshops with severed fingers and some limbs.

Cambodian girls, especially, were easy preys to procurers recruiting for prostitution houses in different parts of the country. Some boys and girls were forced by “beggar gangs” to beg on streets and tourist areas.

Having been subject to various forms of exploitation, most Cambodians returned home penniless and become casualties of poverty and exploitation.

Today, the legacy of war and violence in Cambodia is not yet ended. Although, wars and armed conflicts appear to be subsided, but economic exploitation and social disintegration seem to be on the rise. Cambodia is facing a new type of war. It is a war against destitution, poverty, starvation, personal losses, broken homes, disintegration of family institution, in-fighting among political leaders, vote buying and quarsi-democracy. It is predictable that more blood might be spilled and many more people might be living under poverty line within the next 6 years. Despite the projection of an economic growth of more than 5 %, based on the economic progress made as a result of the so-called Free Trade policy adopted by the Hun Sen government, the future is quite bleak.

On January 8, 2003, I packed my bag and made my way back to the Pochentong airport, paid my airport tax for US $ 20.-, an equivalence of about 800 Baht. But the scene in the terminal was quiet, with only few local people leaving the country, unlike other international airport in many other countries in the region. Soon, Bangkok Airways Flight PG 925 took off approximately at 1645 hours heading for Bangkok, but the after-image of Cambodia still vivid in my mind for the first few minutes. Only an hour later that I arrived back to Bangkok, another country and social settings, totally different from Cambodia I just left behind.

Goodbye Cambodia! I shall return the first chance I get.

Coalition of Combodian Apparel W.D.U.

Kao Poeun ,Technical Assistance Officer

No 6 C,Street 476 ,Sangkat Toul Tompong1,Khan Chamcarmon

Phnom Penh, Cambodia

H/P 012-993455

Tel/Fax 023-210481

Email : c.cawdu@org.kh

Cambodian Labour Organization

Mao Kosal ,Programe Manager

NO 425 Street 310 ,Sangkat Boeung Keng KangII

Khan Chamkar Mon

Phnom Penh Cambodia

Office Phone 855-23-218132

Fax 855-23 218132

Handphone 012-821498

Email clo@forum.org.kh

Web : www.clo.org.kh

Filed by: Somyos Prueksa-Kasemsuk

The Alliance of Democratic Trade Unions (ADTU)

Email: clist@loxinfo.co.th

Tel +66+1+8229477

Translated by: Santi Isrowuthakul

Bangkok